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The first time states embraced the lottery, they were in urgent need of revenue and in a political climate where the idea of raising money through gambling was appealing to voters. But, as Cohen notes, a lot of people questioned both the ethics and the amount of money that governments stood to gain by legalizing the game. Many of the critics hailed from devout Protestant groups, but the most vociferous opponents were, at the very least, skeptical about whether a government-sanctioned lottery could really bring in enough money to do state business.

As the nation entered the mid-twentieth century, with state budgets straining under the weight of aging infrastructure and an anti-tax electorate, the lottery became more attractive to governments as it seemed to offer the possibility that they could cover their needs without enraging their constituents.

In some ways, the modern lottery is a kind of tax on stupidity—a way for legislators to capture irrational gambling behavior and use it to finance things that they feel are worthy of public support. But critics say that the lottery is also a “tax on low-income communities.” They argue that lottery advertising and ticket sales increase during economic downturns, when poverty rates rise and incomes fall, and that poor people are being exploited as collateral damage to a system that raises money for “good purposes” like local police and schools.